If human beings had owned the space which has the concrete shape, they would have their name up. This empirical thought is possible by naming which represents the concrete shape of space. In this context, place names inscribe the shape and contour on the existence around the space. In addition, place names could distinguish the self from the other and indicate it.
The indicating and distinguishing function of place names could be enlarged as the level which is to represent and constitute the identity and ideology of the diverse social subjects and groups. This aspect is related to the cultural politics that is concerned with the conflict and contestation among different social subjects over the meaning and meaning production of place names. For understanding the relations between place names and social subjects, it needs the multidisciplinary approach on which the synchronic features of space and the diachronic trait of time should be analyzed as the synthetic ways.
Korean peninsula has a long history and a geopolitical location as a borderland and a buffer zone, which has provided the conditions for cultural diversity and the power relations within contestation across space and time. Moreover, the split of daily language life caused by discrimination of social classes has produced the varying plural place names which sit opposite to or coexist with each other. These changing processes of place names in Korea are considered to be better suited to the study on cultural politics that is interested in the culture wars over the meaning of culture among different social subjects. Cultural politics of new cultural geography defines the culture as a realm, path, and medium in which diverse social power relations have been contested, dominated, and made resistant. Now it is necessary to ensure the legitimacy of cultural politics for the study of place names in Korea.
Based on such a understanding, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze the representing and constituting processes of identity and ideology belonged to social subjects through the formation and change of place names in Korea, and to investigate the diverse aspects of cultural politics on which the interactions between ‘space-human subject-power’ are represented and contested within the place and territory. As a result, I intend to define the cultural-political features and the transformation of place names' territory.
I have recognized that three arguments are needed for the study on cultural politics of place names in Korea. The first is to construct a geographical theory for cultural-political study of place names in Korea. The second is to analyze the types and cultural-political meaning of place names in Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area. Finally, it is empirically analyzed as a case study that the contestation and transformation of place names' territory are exposed to space of cultural politics over place names.
1. Identity representation and territorial contestation by place names
This study attempts to make a theoretical construction based on the three concepts of place identity, territorial contestation, and the politics of scale. Firstly, place names have been representing and constituting place identity related to social subjects. Not only do place names indicate the natural environment, a social subjects, and the others, but they also realize the constitution of place identity representing social subjects' identity. These functions of place names offer the spatial information of social subjects to the other. Representing externally social subjects' identity and ideology, these are also able to identify their existence. The processes that place names represent the social subjects' identity have been advanced by two procedures which are to name and to cognize of place names. Then cultural and linguistic theories to be best applied to the study of place names are the theories on Angehrn's and Castells' identity, Pcheux's identification, Hall's decoding, and Bakhtin's ideological sign. The process of naming includes selective courses which represent internal identity(Angehrn's numerical - qualitative - I identity) and external identity(Castells' legitimizing - resistance - project identity). The process of cognizing contains Pe^cheux's identification(identification - counteridentification - disidentification) and Hall's decoding(dominant-hegemonic position - negotiation position - oppositional code). These theories help to understand the processes that specific social subjects are including or excluding the definite identity by means of place names. Especially, Bakhtin's ideological sign is available to analyze the process that specific ideology is reflected by a place name.
Place identity is based on relations between social subjects and place. Place names representing place identity are found out in plenty around Korea. For example, the place names transcribed family name[姓氏 地名] are representing a sense of belonging to lineage group[宗族集團], and the place names spelled Gun-Hyeon(country and prefecture) name[郡縣名 表記 地名] are representing belongingness to Gun-Hyeon. Moreover, there are the place names alluding to a Chinese historical event and the Japanese place names in Japanese colonial period and so forth.
Secondly, place names' territory is contested and transformed by power relations(territorial contestation). Power relations involved in the inclusion and exclusion are necessarily concerned with the process of constructing a place identity or territorial identity by means of a place name, which represents identity and ideology of a social subject. Specific social subjects make use of place names as the medium and means practicing power, so that the place names could form the definite territory and contest against the other's territory. The contestation among different territories of place names would strengthen the territoriality that the dominant social subjects control and enlarge their identity. And then the territoriality of social subjects could proceed to the stage of territorialization that identity within territory is expanded into the exterior territory. In the series of process, it is necessary to take the theory of Bakhtin's centripetal(attempting to unify and standardize the letter and transcription ways of place names) and centrifugal force(offering resistance and diversifying the place names) on language or place names into consideration.
Thirdly, the politics of scale works on the process of territorial contestation by means of place names. The contestation between place names represented and appropriated by social subjects is involved in the process obtaining boundary and territory in the definite geographical scale, enlarging their territory all the more. This process is just to construct the scale politically and socially. What is more, this is the process related to the politics of scale that specific social subjects intend to shrink and enlarge the existing scale, or to create the new scale for attaining the aim and intention of themselves. Therefore, this process is analyzed as the view-point of politics of scale implying the scalar strategy, such as scaling down and scaling up.
2. The types and cultural-political meaning of place names in Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area.
The features as borderland and transitional zone of Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area have generate residence and migration of the diverse social subjects, so that those lead to produce the varying types of the change of place names. I have analyzed three aspects of place names in Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area, that is, the linguistic change, the naming source, and the contestation of place names.
The first is the type according to the linguistic change[言語的 變遷]. In this type, I investigate the linguistic-social process in which the social subjects make use of or translate the linguistic change of place names by power relations. In the concrete, I have analyzed the place names of transcription change, phonological change, and Idu transcription. Especially, these changes have been unintentionally generated in the daily language life by the people.
The place names of transcription change[表記 變化 地名] mean the place names which get transcribed by the similar sound of letter[取音], by similar form of letter[取形], and by the same meaning of letter[取義], and the place names which get changed by the omission and replacement of letter. For example, Gongju(公州), Yuseong(儒城), and Neobundl(廣里) are the instances that new cognition of place names is derived from not understanding 公, 儒 and 廣 as the simple loan transcription by sound[音借 表記] but interpreting meaning of transcribed letter. As well as the unintended changes, there are beautified place names[美化 地名] with intended change by specific social subjects. These examples include the cases that the specific social subjects refuse and wrongly cognize(i.e., counter-identification or disidentification) the transcribed letter, as a result of that, would even change and beautify the place names as good and right letters, such as 獄geori>玉巨里, Dodukgol>道德洞, and Picheonmal>碑 seonmal. What is more, it is kept an eye on that 赤谷面 had been changed into 長坪面 by anti-Communism in the circumstance of division of the Korean peninsula, and the dominant social subjects[班村民] in village had altered the place name of 下所田(Lower-sojeon) where they were resident into 上所田(Upper-sojeon) where the people of the lower classes[民村民] resided in.
Meanwhile, The place names of phonological change[音韻 變化 地名] have generated the diverse cognition of place names. The results of phonological change through time were reflected on the transcription letter of place names and could derive the new cognition and interpretation about place names[for example, Toheungri(土興里)>Tongri>Dongri(桐里>東里)>Dungi]. Part of these place names have been made use of or translated by specific social subjects, and then transcribed with the definite Chinese characters implying their ideology. For example, Yurye[有禮] had been transcribed the result of phonological change[Yibeulnae(伊火川)>Yieulnae>Yieurae>Yurae] into Yurye[有禮] which represented their ideology by gentry families[士族] trained in Confucianism
The place names of Idu transcription[吏讀式 地名] which are the device of borrowing either the reading or the meaning of Chinese characters correspond to the loan transcription by sound[音借 表記], by meaning[訓借 表記], and by meaning-sound(訓音借 表記) of the letter. These place names do connote the potentiality used by the cultural politics of social subjects for representing their identity and ideology.
The second is the type in accordance with the naming source[命名 有緣性], especially that of the front place names morpheme[前部 地名素]. These place names are classified into four large groups, that is, natural place names, socio-ideological place names, historical place names, and economical place names. Also, these types of place names could represent the place identity and ideology of diverse social subjects or attend the change by power relations between themselves, so that this type is classified the geographical-social type.
The natural place names include the geomorphological place names and the direction and numeral place names. There are the place names of Gar[Garaeul(楸洞·楸木里) etc.] and Eol[Eungol and Eoeungol(隱洞·魚隱洞) etc.] category each reflected divergence and confluence landform of mountains and rivers in the geomorphological place names. And there are also the place names reflected linear hill landform jutting out flatland[Dolgogi(乭串之里)·Gogimal(花村)·Deulkkotmal(野花) etc.], reflected meander landform of rivers[Meudri·Moldori(水回里·水圖里) etc.]. The naming source of these place names has been not only accurately cognized by the people, but also generally continued to the present time. Because of that, these place names could tend scarcely to allow the cultural-political approach. But Eungol(隱洞) has been cognized as the place names representing a hermitage by specific social subjects yearning for the life in seclusion. Meanwhile, the direction and numeral place names, such as 東一面, 東二面, 一里 and 二里 etc, have been generally disappeared because these are not produced by the people in ordinary life, but forcibly created by a local administrative power.
The socio-ideological place names represent the social belonging of the specific social subjects and groups, or reflect the dominant ideology and Zeitgeist in contemporary society. These place names include the place names transcribed family name[姓氏 地名] in relation to the lineage-village and an ancestral graveyard[姜村(the Kangs of Jinju)(晋州姜氏)-閔村(the Mins of Yeoheung)(驪興閔氏)-李村(the Lees of Gyeongju)(慶州李氏), 宋山所(the Songs of Eunjin)(恩津宋氏)-韓山所(the Hans of Cheongju)(淸州韓氏)-朴山所(the Parks of Milyang)(密陽朴氏) etc.], the place names spelled Gun-Hyeon name[郡縣名 表記 地名](魯城pyeon·恩津tteum etc.). In addition, there are the Confucianism place names[儒敎 地名][the Samgang(三綱, the three basic human relations) and Osang(五常, the five constant virtues) place names(忠谷里·山所里 etc.), the Confucian idea place names(崇文洞·文學洞 etc.), the Confucian status and facilities(祠宇村·永慕里 etc.), and the place names alluding to Chinese historical events, scriptures, vestiges(魯城·闕里村·子陵臺 etc.)], the Buddhism place names[佛敎 地名](彌勒院>美堂里·金剛院>琴江里 etc.), and the Feng Shui place names[風水 地名][Bulmutgol(鳳舞洞)·Seobanggol(棲鳳洞) etc.].
The socio-ideological place names are intensely related to the cultural-political study of place names because these are deeply implicated with the cultural-political traits, and have been produced by the upper classes since the majority of these place names represented the features, value system, identity and ideology of the specific social subjects.
Next, there are the historic and legendary place names[Beomnaemi(凡南)·Gwangol(寬洞)·Beomjae(虎峴) etc.] and the Japanese place names(大和町·昭和町·本町一丁目 etc.) in the historical place names. These place names have generated the certain sense of place or place identity, which was endowed with the particular meaning at dwelling place through identifying the place name with the national-historical fact and the legend related to lineage group.
The economical place names are classified into the industrial place names[産業 地名][GatJeom(笠店)·白丁村·農所 etc.] and the commercial place names[商業 地名][Apsulmak·東酒幕·Garujeongol(粉廛里) etc.]. these place names have been not only forcibly changed by means of the disidentification of the upper classes cultured in Confucianism, but could have been voluntarily changed by the lower classes because the occupation in relation to industry and commerce had been treated contemptuously in Joseon Dynasty[朝鮮].
The third is the type as the contestation[競合] over the place names in Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area, which is composed of the place names suffering from the contestation and territorial transformation. These place names belong to the political-social type because the process of contestation and territorial change imply the power relations between social subjects. These are classified into ‘the contesting place names, the place names unified transcription way, the place names of enlarged territory, the place names of shrunk territory.
The contesting place names imply the place names to contest for using exclusively when the place names above two are indicating the same place. I have identified two cases, that is, the contestation between the Buddhism and Confucianism place names[佛堂gol/友德·Buldanggol/書堂洞 etc.], and between the native and Confucianism place names[Yurae-伊火川/有禮-院村 etc.]. There are the power relations in which the social subjects conflict with the other within the process of contestation. In particular, if the different social subjects have preferred and supported the specific place names, it is necessary to analyze the contestation between oppositional place names as the viewpoint of cultural politics.
The place names unified transcription way indicate that the transcription of place names have been unified and standardized by exercising the centripetal force of social subjects through the same transcription letter and transcription way. According to a geographical scale in which unified transcription way is working, these place names can divide into the national, regional, and local scale. The power relations could intervene in the production process of the contesting place names and the place names unified transcription way. In addition to that, the superiority or inferiority of contestation and the features of transcription way could be changed because of the shift of dominant identity and ideology.
There are the place names of enlarged territory[論山里(Nolmoe)>論山市·窺岩里>Buyeo-gun 窺岩面 etc.] and the place names of shrunk territory[南扶餘(another name of Baekje Kingdom)>扶餘郡 扶餘邑·韓山郡>Seocheon-gun 韓山面 ·德恩縣>Nosan-si Gayagok-myeon Samjeon-ri 德恩堂·Noseong-hyeon 豆寺面>Noseong-myeon 豆寺里 etc.] in accordance with the change of the administrative unit(市郡區邑面洞里) indicated by the back place names morpheme, that is, the territory of place names. However, the territorial change of the back place names morpheme means not simply the transcription change, but the change of power relations related to the certain social subjects. That is to say, the culture wars among social subjects over place names have been projected on the territorial change of place name in which the cultural-political traits are inherent.
3. The contestation and transformation of place names' territory
The cultural politics over the place names in Gongju-Mok Jingwan Area has been developed the diverse paths and aspects which are forming, contesting, and differentiating the place names' territory. What is more, the certain social subjects have endowed their place with the ideological place names, and produced the place names representing their place identity. Consequently, they have constructed and strengthened their territoriality, generated the aspects of territorialization in which the territory of place names are enlarged in, shrunk from, or fought with by the power relations. In order to analyze the formation, contestation, and transformation of place names' territory, I have empirically investigated the formation and contestation of place names' territory, the place names representing identity and the construction of territoriality, and lastly the territorialization of place names being accompanied with the power.
Firstly, I have analyzed the formation and contestation of place names' territory[領域]. As a result of studying, I have identified the diverse paths in which the place names' territory was formed and differentiated, or deviated and transgressed. For example, the case of 木洞面/池谷里 has shaped and differentiated the different territories by the discriminatory development. But Motgol(池谷) and 木洞 have had the same naming source, that is, Motgol reservoir. Another case is 葛巨里/蘆長里. Producing the place names written in Chinese characters(上蘆長) reflecting the place identity of social subjects[the Kwons of Andong(安東權氏)], they have driven the existing native place name(Galgeori) out the corner of territory. The other case is Mikkugi/美湖/養仁, in which the weakened native place name(Mikkugi) was defeated in the contestation against the dominant Confucianism place name(禮養里 養仁洞), and then have made resistance to 禮養里 養仁洞, transformed Mikkugi into 美湖, and transgressed the other territory.
Secondly, I have analyzed the place names representing identity as well as the construction of territoriality[領域性]. The dominant social subjects have possessed the certain territoriality, that is, the capacity which controls and enlarges their identity. Producing the place names representing their place identity and ideology, and changing the existing place names into the identifying place names, they have strengthen their territoriality. First of all, I have investigated the case study that territoriality was constructed by naming the ideological place names. These place names have shown off the Confucian ideology related to the specific social subject outside their territory, and strengthened the place identity and distinguishable territoriality generated from the appropriate territory. For example, the special grant of place names[地名 特賜](孝橋洞/典洞/仁良里) which had been gone into operation by central government in the late Joseon corresponds to this case.
Next, there is the case that territoriality have constructed by producing the place names representing place identity. This case is based on the fact that the place names divide the territory of specific social subjects from the other, and strengthen territoriality of place occupied by them. For example, the Yuns of Papyeong(坡平尹氏 魯宗五房派) in Noseong-hyeon and the Hongs of Namyang(南陽洪氏 燕岐派) in Yeongi-hyeon who have been holding the certain social status and power in the country of the late Joseon Period are the appropriate cases. And the last case in relation to the construction of territoriality is 林里(Supmal) and 靑林. I have analyzed the case that territoriality of lineage village had been constructed according to endowing the name of new separated village with the same transcription letter(林) as the native village(林里). Consequently, I have verified that the place identity and definite territoriality have been constructed and reinforced through the process of giving the same transcription letter.
Thirdly, I have analyzed the case study in relation to the territorialization[領域化] of place names being accompanied by the power. It is related with territorialization that the specific social subjects and groups have enlarged the place names' territory by power. Territorialization of place names being accompanied by the power have been found out in process of the reorganization of an administrative district and the enlargement of specific river place names. I have investigated the case of territorialization to Myeon place names(面 地名)(窺岩面·恩山面·場岩面), to Eup place name(邑 地名)(鳥致院邑), and to Gun-Hyeon place name(郡縣 地名)(論山市). In addition to that, the case that the territories of river place names have been enlarged, struggled, and transformed have been analyzed centering around the basin of the Geum River(錦江·論山川). The power relations of Japanese residents and some Koreans in Japanese colonial period, and the centripetal force of the local administrative office had influence on the process of territorialization.